Political Memo: Birtukan’s Upcoming Political Challenges and Options
Before the creation of the UDJ, she spent most of her time and energy trying to negotiate all the CUD factions, rather than creating a new party. But both camps have now become so rigid that neither appears willing to accept any compromise that would create a sound unity. The other choice she has, is to create a new path for her future engagement. This path does not necessarily have to have a political party in it. If Birtukan spends enough time to take care of herself and think thoroughly, there are multiple options that are fit for her profile and taste. So far, her silence and solitude shows that she is on the right track to crafting her own way.
When I heard of the release of Aung San Suu Kyi this past weekend, I was able to imagine what millions of Burmese were feeling. But I was not the only Ethiopian who could understand our Burmese brothers and sisters. The scene in front of Aung San Suu Kyi’s house was almost an exact copy of the scene in front of Birtukan’s house when she was released this October. The jubilation and pride vividly expressed on the faces of the supporters of these iconic leaders on two separate continents, is a testament that the desire and struggle for freedom knows no boundaries.
The similarity between the two women does not end there. The Burmese military junta’s calculations to release Aung San Suu Kyi seem to be a word-for-word copy of Meles Zenawi’s reasons for releasing Birtukan. After his ruling party “won” an election by 99 percent, Meles found Birtukan to be an unnecessary international nuisance. By the same calculation, the Burmese military released Aung San Suu Kyi; extending her house arrest after the party they supported won an election would just create more nuisance than pose a real threat to their power. By now, an unlearned revolutionary democrat might jump up, thinking his “comrade” has an influence in Burma. Even though Aung San Suu Kyi and Birtukan are now free, their political future is not as clear and simple as some might wish. They will face various challenges of their own. At least to my observation, Birtukan has the following political and personal challenges to face in the coming months.
Politics or No Politics
The Ethiopian Facebook community started becoming political the moment that Birtukan was arrested two years ago. Her supporters, and foreigners who knew her, began joining the “Free Birtukan Mideksa” Facebook group started by journalist Kassahun Addis. I still remember joking about the absurdity of this online activity with friends. Why do you start an open online dissident group in front of a dictator? Later on, many groups were formed around the freedom of Birtukan. This September, they organized an effective and well-publicized online campaign to keep Birtukan a topic of the international community and Ethiopians.
This time around, I do not plan to joke about Facebook, so when I received a message from the first “Free Birtukan Mideksa” group informing me that it had changed its name, I took note. It symbolized the central question that Birtukan faces today. Unlike Aung Suu Kyi, who went to her office the very next day after she was released, Birtukan has to decide whether to continue in politics or to drop out of politics and concentrate on her personal life. Her imprisonment was very painful, even by the standards of this tenacious “iron lady”.
The press release broadcast by government media right after her release says that her immediate interest is taking care of her ailing mother and her daughter. This has been the official line of the government about Birtukan’s future.
There is nothing Meles fears more than a citizen who is involved. Birtukan has been a symbol of his worst nightmare. When most of her law school friends chose to make money in the courts or join the mushrooming NGO industry, she took on the life of an opposition politician, with all the challenges that accompanied it. Her story is epic in its proportions. There are many who will truly understand her if she chooses not to continue in political life. Very few Ethiopian opposition leaders with her level of profile have traveled as far as she did.
But anyone who knows Birtukan – or any politician for that matter – can bet that she is taking her time. She is like a lioness that has smelled the blood of her prey. After all this pain, and all the publicity generated by it, she will not back out of political life – at least to the point that requires a pressure on her. I bet that the real pressure on her political future lies somewhere else.
Party or No Party?
The most painful thing for many of Birtukan’s supporters during her imprisonment was the drama surrounding her political role. She literally and single-handedly founded the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ) out the ashes of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUD). Most of the original CUD founders abandoned the party in various fashions after 2007. Some retired from politics, some fled the country; some chose to start a new political party in the Diaspora and some went back to their original party. Birtukan, who joined the CUD belatedly, was left with ashes on her hands. With all her limitations, she collected the hatch poaches of what was left of the CUD and organized the UDJ, permitting many compromises and accommodations.
What she created was not perfect. But it successfully captured the aura of the CUD and the political scene. She fought hard to keep the many Diaspora offices from the new contender, Ginbot 7. She was successful in this endeavor, both in the United States and Europe. Even though her party was full of “old guards”, her presence and the fact that she was the first female political party leader in Ethiopian history brushed of all the sense of rusted sense the oldies, creating a mystique around this humble woman that brought thousands of young people to the meetings she called. The diplomatic community in Addis also found the new opposition darling that they had been missing since the 2005 election. Her party was constantly in turmoil; her leadership style was never the ironclad fist that most of the old guards were accustomed to, both in government and opposition politics. Yet she posed enough of a threat for Meles Zenawi to tremble in the shadow of her new popularity and put her back in jail way ahead of national elections.
Her party began to disintegrate on a daily basis after that. Professor Mesfin, the Ayatollah of Ethiopian right wing opposition politics, vehemently – and even, some say, childishly – started to oppose the UDJ’s majority decision to join the forum created by the former Ethiopian President, Negaso Gidada, and former Defense Minister Siye Abrha. He even went as far as starting a separate UDJ that claimed Birtukan as its leader.
The majority of the UDJ continued to work with the Medrek party. Yet, the internal squabble within the party was significant enough, derailing the struggle to get Birtukan released and preventing the issue of her incarceration from remaining on the front lines. It also served as another showcase for the EPRDF to boast to the international community that the opposition was not ready for a prime-time game in the political arena.
If Birtukan decides to pursue her political life, she will be forced to choose sides between these two parties that claim her as their leader. Choosing to lead any one of these parties has significant political and personal consequences for Birtukan’s political future.
To the Left or to the Right?
If Birtukan’s choice is to lead the faction led by Professor Mesfin, she might manage to keep the organizational structure of the UDJ in her hands. One of the reasons for the UDJ’s weak performance in the political scene was the loss of most of its operators to the faction led by Professor Mesfin. Even though the professor was defeated in the Executive Committee and the General Council, he was able to organize the youth within the party. Having Tamrat Tarekegn, the leader of the youth wing, in the party significantly helped bolster the professor in the inter-party squabble.
Tamrat Tarekegn was also a key player in organizing the regional offices for the UDJ and the CUD. A former military captain, Tamrat knows most of the grassroots activists of the party on a personal level. His loyalty to Birtukan and the opposition is unambiguous. His decision to stay on the opposition side, when Lidetu – his long-time personal friend – decided to compromise with the EPRDF, made him a legend among party organizers. But his most important asset is his willingness to play second-place in a political culture obsessed with being first. When he left the UDJ, he left with hundreds of phone numbers on his mobile phone. The oldies could not communicate or, in some cases, even find out who was in charge of some of the UDJ offices. He cut them off and let them left them hanging in mid-air.
The professor has managed to contact some of the supporters of the UDJ in the Diaspora – particularly those who still have misgivings about Siye and Negaso’s past participation in the EPRDF. But almost all of the significant donors and bundlers of the UDJ remain on the side that joined Medrek. This has made the professor’s side poorer in comparison.
Even if this alliance of the professor and the soldier is strong in organization, it is ideologically as old as one can imagine. They simply do not have a clear conception of the contemporary Ethiopian political dynamics. They still think of Ethiopia in its foremost classical unitary form. They act as if they never heard the vocabulary of “multi-cultural nation building”. For many people, Professors Mesfin’s decision to oppose Medrek is ideological rather than procedural (as he claims it to be). In all discussions, he forwards the idea that the UDJ has lost a great deal in the negotiation process by forming the manifesto of Medrek. Yet he simply avoided all the negotiations and consultations of the process in a classical Ethiopian fashion of derailing negotiations.
If Birtukan chooses to lead the group that joined Medrek will be primarily personal. Medrek is an amalgam of small-timers and big-time players like Siye. For most of her political life she has been a central actor. She ran independently in the 2000 election. Like any charismatic leader, she is used to the front seat. If she chooses the UDJ that joined Medrek, she will have to adopt the role of “second player” many times.
The ideological and traditional challenges are also eminent. She will be additionally compounded by a political agenda and manifesto that was crafted while she was in jail. Medrek has a serious document that can serve as a sound basis of new political discourse in the country. But it has a serious problem of salesmanship. Birtukan might be willing to play the role of good salesperson for the ideas of Medrek. But the question is, how can she sell ideas that were shaped and formed in her absence? She can easily understand the written concepts, but can she personalize the necessary compromises that created the document? If she was part of the debates and the juggling and lobbying process that produced the document, it would have been very easy for her; but the document is essentially foreign to her, as are most things that happened in the country during her forced absence.
To Negotiate or Create?
Birtukan remains a revered figure in both parties. Their personal commitment to her has increased following her arrest. Some could say that this is merely a calculated act of political utility, since her brand is extremely potent. She might choose to negotiate the factions and merge them into a single, unified organization. This will appeal to her non-violent approach to all things political. Before the creation of the UDJ, she spent most of her time and energy trying to negotiate all the CUD factions, rather than creating a new party. But both camps have now become so rigid that neither appears willing to accept any compromise that would create a sound unity. The other choice she has, is to create a new path for her future engagement. This path does not necessarily have to have a political party in it. If Birtukan spends enough time to take care of herself and think thoroughly, there are multiple options that are fit for her profile and taste. So far, her silence and solitude shows that she is on the right track to crafting her own way.
Z facebook change is timely. people need to persuade her to come back to politics. Kassahun Addis was courageous to start the facebook movement in the country. he will again be a pioneer in the next movement. We need burte to be back in the stage. lets’ campaign for her coming back.
well said Debo (Tame), If she choice to stay in politics the only two way I see is either bringing all the UDJ group together or create a new party by firing all the trouble makers from both side including the Ayatollah and all the clean and the energetic one together .
According to ESAT there is shmiglina between the Ayatollah and the Gizachew group, if it is worked out well then Birtukan might find a room to come back to politics
I am glad Bertukan is out of Woyane’s jail. She deserve better than Kaliti. She is an honest woman who wants ro see abetter Ethiopia. But not a strong political leader who can get rid of Meles fascist reigm and free Ethiopia from all these artocites. Although, this so called forgiveness letter os of her to Meles is a fake one, she apologized the Tigrian people for real when she was touring the United Stated on behalf of Kinjit. She never say anything about the Arebagugu & the Gondar massacre by Woyane’s cadres. But who will rake woyane to court for Gambella genocide and Jimma mass murder by Mele’s cadres?
Wawu!!!!! What an article. I loved it.
By the way, you got a nice name for the so-called prof. Mesfin= the Ayatollah lol. Love it.
Gebre
“She fought hard to keep the many Diaspora offices from the new contender, Ginbot 7. She was successful in this endeavor, both in the United States and Europe.”
I can see a lot of people laughing at this right now for more reasons than one.
“But almost all of the significant donors and bundlers of the UDJ remain on the side that joined Medrek. This has made the professor’s side poorer in comparison.”
Ok, Tamirat, seriously, you’r making wild assumptions about the Diaspora support chapters just because it’s convenient for the point you want to make (I sense your sympathies lie with the pro-Medrek group). In reality, there is no such thing as “significant donors and bundlers(sic)”! The UDJ chapter groups were never able to raise (or at least not a significant amount) for the party. All the money ever sent to the UDJ from Diaspora support chapters was the one raised when Kinijit leaders were on tour after prison. The last batch of this money (close to $100K) was (in the process of being) sent over from the NA-Support Chapters around the time of the 2010 election to the pro-Medrek UDJ, only because Aklog and company happened to be on the side of that group, AND DID IT QUIETLY! If you were to ask the local chapters about this, 1st: they probably had no idea the money was sent over; 2nd: most would probably go insane as the chapters have been sharply divided inline with the division back home. My point is: there are many $100 donors (at least at the time of Kinijit) who come and go based on the political temperature, but no such thing as “big donors”.
Anyway, in regards to Bertukan:
I don’t think the rest of the UDJ leadership within both factions (may be with the exception of Professor Mesfin and a few others) share the same kind of commitment for non-violence struggle that Bertukan has demonstrated so far. (Actually, this is not my opinion. It is true.) They also seem to have so much baggage that makes them easy targets for the regime’s blackmails and such. Furthermore, the squabbling has more or less destroyed their image. I am afraid they will taint Bertukan. Not only that, but also because they can easily be compromised, they will create problems for her, and on a more difficult level than the one she had to deal with before her imprisonment.
In addition, I think most of Bertukan’s own supporters are expecting a sharp adjustment in strategy. I don’t think the path of LEGAL opposition has any credibility left for it. If she is to understand that and make the necessary turns, I don’t think most of these people will have the guts to go along with it. I think they are most comfortable in their passive state of “opposition” that requires no real commitment.
May be she should start and lead a movement (not a political party) in which she will be the major leader and symbol. I think she can galvanize a lot of young people this way. But hey, it is her life; it is her decision; we shall wait and see.
Tame well done,
Your analysis coupled with the well written presentation grasped the very necessary aspects of the case at hand. So I must say good to see you here after long time. After my invocation,
I wish if you include how much the nature of Suki’s and Bertukan’s governments limits the possible scenarios for the respective politicians’ decision pertaining their post prison political role.
I am afraid to say that UDG’s working with groups that constitute Medrek is totally out of thought of Bertukan. Certainly the negotiation that handed UDG to Medrek took place while Bertukan was in the cell. But her strong will to work with other particularly with Siye and perhaps also with Negaso has been suggested in the first public meeting of the UDG at ELPA Hall. Therefore, I think there are every reasons to believe that Bertukan’s role would have been accelerating UDG’s membership in Medrek or any other of its kind, than the opposite. Therefore, if everything remains similar the very decision of UDG to join Medrek makes no difference and will not be difficult for her to personalize the decision. In fact the Professor’s position might have some pressure on her. But he is no longer with the monopoly of moral dominance that she may necessarily observe.
Like you I want to see her as a lioness which has smelled the blood of her prey. But……. . Good for us that your discussion under the sub theme “To negotiate or to create” made us to see your conclusion regarding her fate. It is like telling that one way or the other she will be in politics. So far nothing has come out as to what she may do in the future except what was aired in the government media. You are mentioning that her silence is an indication for her being in the right track. Is this an analysis or conviction?
Well done Tame,
Your analysis coupled with the well written presentation grasped the very necessary aspects of the case at hand. So I must say good to see you here after long time. After my invocation,
. I wish if you include how much the nature of Suki’s and Bertukan’s governments limits the possible scenarios for the respective politicians’ decision pertaining their post prison political role.
. I am afraid to say that UDG’s working with groups that constitute Medrek is totally out of thought of Bertukan. Certainly the negotiation that handed UDG to Medrek took place while Bertukan was in the cell. But her strong will to work with other particularly with Siye and perhaps also with Negaso has been suggested in the first public meeting of the UDG at ELPA Hall. Therefore, I think there are every reasons to believe that Bertukan’s role would have been accelerating UDG’s membership in Medrek or any other of its kind, than the opposite. Therefore, if everything remains similar the very decision of UDG to join Medrek makes no difference and will not be difficult for her to personalize the decision. In fact the Professor’s position might have some pressure on her. But he is no longer with the monopoly of moral dominance that she may necessarily observe.
. Like you I want to see her as a lioness which has smelled the blood of her prey. But……. . Good for us that your discussion under the sub theme “To negotiate or to create” made us to see your conclusion regarding her fate. It is like telling that one way or the other she will be in politics. So far nothing has come out as to what she may do in the future except what was aired in the government media. You are mentioning that her silence is an indication for her being in the right track. Is this analysis or conviction?
I think the very fact that we expect Ms Birtukan to stage a come back to the dangerous political scene of ethiopia shows that we – yours truely included – are not ready to pay the sacrifices at the personal level.
Many of the commenters’, including the author’s, premises suggest to me that Birtukan should contribute her part to the freedom movement because Ethiopia needs her! I think no one will disagree with that
Yet, the question remains that do we have the moral authority to make such (implicit) statements about what Ms. Birtukan’s political role should be??
Good summary, Tamirat.
I think she needs to be engrossed in thought before deciding with whom she has to work afterwards. Her decision is going to be requisite with regard to keeping the symbolism she earned so far. It seems to me that she is in the middle of a scene to prove her political caliber.
-Working with the pro-unitary side is going to be the most damaging in my opinion, because it will make her multi-tribal symbolism questionable.
-Still the pro-Medrek side UDJ’s, including Siye, are incompetent and outdated to the current political dynamics. In fact, EPRDF could effortlessly outsmart them in the face of the public.
-Opting to give up politics at all might be hard to swallow for many of her supporters. However, if that is her take, everyone should be courteous to let her lead her own life.
-Finally, If she decided to stand up and be a choice to the people , then to me, she better start from the grass-root level – She needs to begin with organizing young minds of multi- cultural mentality from all over the country. What has happened has happened and can’t be undone. She and her followers can be active partakers to the progressive built up of the democratic system. And one day – the nation might be transformed from the ‘we or them’ politics to ‘we and them’ politics. It may take some time, but hey it is quite possible.
I think your article is rather too narrow. The major challenge for possilbe Birtukan comeback is not her party’s politics. In my opinion, the terms of her release have made it so difficult for her. As reverent I am for her courage and tenacity, it had in a way killed the kind of great Birtukan under making. It has posed challenges on every steps she will make from now on. Most, including me, believe that she has been put under torture to sign those words. But that wouldn’t help much. Those words will keep on haunting her. It has made the difference between what is legal and what is not so arbitrary, that it is very difficult for one to make any sensible “legal” opposition. And EPRDF will never hesitate to rub salt on the wound it made. I hope Tamrat, so fond of her, did not just wish that away.
How exactly will the signing of the pardon letter undermines her future in politics? I don’t understand when people often mention this. Apart from the failed intention of Meles to humiliate and de-spirit Birtukan and her supporters, what concrete and practical complications will it have? The intended attack works only if the receiving end relented ,, which apparently didn’t happen as far as I saw in the aftermath of her release.
As I alluded earlier
1. The position birtukan held as a symbol of defiance against dictatorship is not as widely accepted as before, to say the least.
2. EPRDF will never hesitate to invoke the contents of the letter everytime it wants to discredit her.
3. I believe the rearrest was totally unreasonable. I think it will be more difficult to make any bold moves for her, for fear of another persecútion.
Tamirat the conditions of release for Birtukan and Aung San Suu Kyi is incomparable. “Our government” has made sure that Birtukan is totally disarmed through solitary confinement( a silent killer) before she is freed. This requires time to heal. Besides, the condition of her release and the way that it broadcased on the media is an insult to an injury. On top of that, the few hundered supporters we saw arround her house were there inspite of threat by government security. None of this was the case when it comes to Aung San Suu Kyi. Despite being under house arrest she was not brutalized in anyway, be it psychologically or physically. So, I would say the Burmese government was the lesser evil compared to ours which is a coward.
Although I understand that the points I am trying to make are not central focuses of your piece the analogy might give readers a wrong impression of how they were handled by the respctive governments.
My friend Bekur Mesay, you ought to distinguish the kettele from the pot. Birtukan and Aung San Su Ki has that much differences in the quintessence that they came about to politics and the clout they still weilding. Just because Birtukan is our compatriot we should not twist the underlying truth. Remember, the truth will only set us free. We have to face our accomplishments and failures squarely so that we can learn to be better off. Our failure to accept the truth cost us dearly and will continue to do so. Ethiopia is not only UDJ’s country, it a country of 80M plus people. Therefore, Birtukan should not be an agenda for for Ethiopian people in the first place. There are many Birtukan’s who stick to their principle and paying dearly for their country. Have we ever talked about Abera Yemaneab who languished in TPLF prison ever since, even before Birtukan graduated from highschool. Then why we have to call Birtukan is treated exceptionally though there are in thousands we are incarcerated for about 2 decades without justice. Unless we recognize all prisoners of conscious are equally important citizens of our country, our struggle to liberate Ethiopia simply unattainable. You know that, I hate to hear a personality cult! If our association is to individuals then there is a room for more factionalism and partisanship. By the same token, TPLF will see another more great day.
I urge all Ethiopians from corner to corner to stop talking about individual little gods. Lets accept that personality cult will never further our cause to get back our country. We can not live by the stone age thinking anymore. Let us unite under one banner – Ethiopia if we wish to bring meaningful change. It is never too late considering the grave danger our country is facing at this particular time of our history.
Good day
My friend Suleiman,
I don’t really see how your response relates to my comments. But coming to your comments, I believe that personalities do matter in politics. You can see the clout of Meles in the regime, and I would say that Birtukan could have had a larger influence if her release were in other terms. The personal charisma of Dr Birhanu made a change in 2005, and so on. It is very possible that there were and are who have paid dearly, but I don’t see why that should make us “stop talking about individual little gods” to use your phrase. We just need to understand its limitations.
good analysis
I do support those who joined mederk . becauseany single party can not solve ethiopia’s ddep rooted political problems. The multi national party like UDJP must addrees the issue of working to together for all other ethnice based political parties .when you push them away because of their foundation, you push all the mebers and supporters of those ethnice based parties and at the same time you give a free place for weyanes. That is why those who joined medrek has done a greate job by bringing all ethiopians together. Prof mesfin ayatolah of ethiopia has been wroking for weyanes knowngly or un knowingly. Mles and his gang group said diplomates that the opposition camp could notcarry a national responsibility because they all power mongers and they do not have unity among them selves. For such weyanes accussaion. prof mesfin came out with his childish act and confirmed that oppositions are not only divided , but also we are looking for killing eachother. what weyanes told to the biased diplomates. Captain Tamrat tarekegn was very closed friend of ethiopia’s yihuda who betrayed ethiopia and ethiopia’s people [ kidetu ayalew] from day one from his village can not be trusted . Tamarat tarekegn was always a trouble maker even with AAPO before, he yihuda ayalew bounced from AAPO because of their loyality to weyanes, but did not allow them to sit idlely, weyane told them to form another multi national party and they came out with EDP. wHEN WEYANE’S LOST 2005 election, yihuda was on the line to save TPLF by destroying CUDP and tamrate stayed in CUDP with another mission for next time election and he has started his hidden mission even before birtukan’s re-arrested. He was recorded all the meetings discussion secretely and give to one of weyanes newspaper.Birtukan and others appointed some individuals to investigate who is doing this. finally they found tarate tarekegn was doing so like kidetu ayalew did with CUDP ‘s leaders discussion. prof mesfin defended [ethiopiawi ayatolah]that hodam tamrat and said “freedom of speech.” Any party has it’s secret and the other camp should not know about the planns of other parties. Tamrate is still a hidden bomb for the next election, that is why me must suspened from UDJP and must jojn TPLF;s camp officially. Porf mesfin must retired from politics for ethiopia’s sake.Birtukan must mereg the majority UDJP which joined medrek with a fraction of UDJP under the leadership of ayatollah, because there is very improtant individual in that fraction, that is artist debebe eshetu. after mereging together, birtukan can ask medrek the document and mderek should open it’s document for amendment if necessary.especially medrek must revise two things 1,.federal admnistration structure based of ethnice , language and religion lead us towards destruction, so this should be addressed again 2. land ownership.TPLF has already sold ethiopia’s virgin land and kept the money in the foreign banks.Medrek suppossed to warn all the neo colonizers that after the collapse of meles regime no body will give them any gaurantee because meles is an illegal PM and an international body accused of him for his genociderial act against ethiopians in different parts of ethiopia. Medrek must respect the rights of farmers on their land . so landownership too tillers. the next step for medrek, merege together and become one multi national party.period
I do not think whether Birtukan, UDJ, Medrek or for that matter any loyal opposition will have any significance in the political environment of current Ethiopia for the reason that the regime in power is undermining the essence of peaceful struggle.
In my view, peaceful struggle is dead by the time of the 2005 Ethiopian election. TPLF is already subscribed to the despots club of North Korea, Berma, Eritrea, etc.
The Ethiopian masses are already fed up by the performances of loyal opposition. Birtukan may had been escaped the brunt of that rejection thanks to her arrest by TPLF thugs. Unless she is naive, it is clear to her that peaceful struggle is gone for good whether she is aligned to left or right.
To bring the struggle to life and win the hearts and minds of the Ethiopian people, there should be an organization that responds with a language that the TPLF will understands. All these loyal oppositions are like a toothless dog – barks but not bites.
I do not think Birtukan or other so called legal oppositions in Ethiopia will likely to choose violent struglle for foreseable time. On the other hand, if the Diaspora managed to make consensus, there is a good chance of militaristic approach and capacity to organize within Ethiopia.
Tame,
Awesome piece
It is striking to see how Birtukan is at the Crossroads, the UDJ is at the crossroads(to unite or to split)and opposition politics in Ethiopia is at the crossroads(never in the history of post 1991 ethiopia did we have such a DEGREE weakening, and division of the opposition)
I believe in this article Tamrat Negera has tried to transform his former friends(UDJ Faction 1) ideology.
1. What personalities makes the Fist Kinjit the beloved kinjit?
For most of us:Eng. Hailu, Professor Mesfin, Lidetu, Dr. Birhanu, Debebe etc. etc.
2. What value do these leaders share together?
Almost all of them( the above mentioned) do not believe in working together with alliances like Medrek and other ethnic bases forces. According to Dr. Birhanues book; it is very difficult to work with Pro. Beyne and his group. The same truth is also shared by Lidetu.( according to him he is still ready to work with unity groups.)
3. What other factors do contribute to their popularity?
Is it a question of “multi-cultural nation building” idea. I don’t think so. EPRDF has worked much on that. Kinjit was truly favoured by its Nationalist theory. (Unity theory.).
Political parties that are comprised from ethinic groups shall better arrange themselves in their own political way. The same shall also be true for Unity groups.
4. What makes it special to apply non-procedural approach to Siye and Negaso? Nobody has a doubt on the value that they both would add to UDJ since they both came from strong political background. However; it would be the same game EPRDF is playing, “Siye’s law” (the 24 hour legislation) to change policies now and then for the benefits of few. Besides, changing the policy and procedures of the party for two individual’s interest is very elementary mistake the leaders were exercising. Thus, are they going to continue to change their policies and procedure for the coming retired EPRDF political individuals too? After sometime, you will find UDJ policies filled with EPRDF Jargons: transformation, renascence etc. etc.
5. Proffessor Mesin’s value cannot be measure by some articles. Proffessor is the back bone of the first Kinjit. He was still the designer of UDJ party from the inception; while many are confused on where to incline. Even Dr. Birhanue’s and other UDJ high officials do not dare to confront Professor for his actions. Because, everybody understands that he don’t went far from the right path. And; if binding by policy and procedure make one as “ideologically as old as one can imagine” then Tamrat is misleading us to a place where we don’t like to go.
6. I think we have to respect Birtukan decision on remaining secluded for sometime till she clearly understands and consult others on “what to do next?”
I hope and pray that Birtukan will decide to comeback to politics. I also hope she doesn’t choose to work with any of the old guards in either side of the spectrum. These people proved to be good for nothing. I have no faith in any of these old hatemongers. Birtukan belongs to the new generation. In my opinion, she can be successful only by mobilizing the youth.
Aynu,
Perfect!!
If you randomly sample the opinions of the youth these days, what you wrote will be more than the expected answer.
You’ve implied it in the article – I think the foundation of her decision should be the fact that a broad unified coalition is a necessary condition for success. All other considerations are secondary.
She is then left with calculating which path best leads to a strong coalition.
jonas jointambek, forget lidetu. He has cheated us like child and no more. he is TPLF’s dog from day one. just follow his dramma from his village untill now. Such hodam banda can be politician. He and his entire families, [ his brother , sister and even his mother] are weyanes slaves aganist ethiopiawinet. Hodam lidetu claims that he has blood relation with king lalibella and he wants to be crowned. He is from agawe clan, but he has hidden his back ground and has worked as TPLF’s agent for the last 20 years and exposed so many innocent amhara’s youths for TPLF. have you seen his face? full of inncent ethiopians blood on his hand.
@Lucy,
Look what you said
”[ his brother , sister and even his mother] are weyanes slaves aganist ethiopiawinet”
Even his mother, seriously? Don’t you think the ethiopiawinet you mentioned demand you to give some respect to her?
The writer is irritatingly shallow and pretentious. He compares apples and oranges, and draws the conclusion that a larchwood tree produces milk. The typical African pseudo-intellectual, who either glamorizes dictatorship or is so mentally overwhelmed by it that he is unable to develop an alternative analytical perspective or vision. Is there any substantive similarity between the dictatorships in Ethiopia and Burma, apart from the obvious fact that both are authoritarian? And where is the center in Ethiopian politics today and how does one determine the left and the right elements? Can ethnic apartheid be seen to represent the center? And how does one get to label someone like Prof Mesfin as the “Ayatollah of right-wing opposition?” Does the author even understand the difference between tribalism and multiculturalism? One of Ethiopia’s serious challenges is the “poverty of mind” and thereby the myopic nature of social and political discourses. This article is a clear reflection of that constraint. The author’s abausive language and grandstanding are beneath contempt.
Birtu deserves all the time she would need for reflection and contemplation. The Ayatolah must come to his senses at his old age and disappear from politics gracefully.
As the writer rightly pointed out, Birtukan has been the soul of the UDJ party, she brought it to life out of nothing. It is thus understandable if she want to find UDJ basically in the same shape as it was when she was imprisoned.
I don’t want to call names, but it seems that UDJ is infected with egotism particularly among the high-ranking leaders. The same kind of democratic centralisation and cliquish work ethic is being exercised within the party (most of the issues raised during the squable has revealed this though it was not said explicitly). Therefore, it is very very important that Birtukan plans for a reform mainly by removing the old-guard to bring a new spirit and renewed committment in the party.
I don’t agree with the idea of joining the ethnic-based organisation MEDREK only because so much is being said about ethnicism and pluarlity in the political arena. It is very clear that a substantial part of the Ethiopian people still advocates and is committed to democratic Ethiopia while recognizing equality and diversity. This is in line with the political ideology of UDJ as far as I understand. Therefore, UDJ should continue representing and standing for this constituency though we do not know what the future brings.